The Acting National Chairman of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Umar Iliya Damagum, has faulted the party’s disciplinary committee for failing to act on multiple petitions that, if addressed, could have curbed the disruptive influence of some members, including the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Nyesom Wike.

Speaking during an interview on the BBC Hausa programme Gane Mana Hanya, Damagum said the committee received over 40 petitions but only acted on oneone, a decision he believes left the party vulnerable.

“The committee was handed over 40 petitions that needed attention, but it only chose to act on that of the national secretary.”

“If the committee had acted on those petitions, maybe we would not be here today,” he said.

He disclosed that there were strong grounds to remove Wike and others from the PDP but lamented that action was not taken.

“We advised them that the five of them should be expelled from the party, but nothing was done until the elections came and gone.”

“They succeeded in setting the party back with the things they did. Now that I am leading the party, they are putting pressure on me to expel him.”

Damagum also reflected on his personal dynamic with Wike, attributing their frosty relationship to the collapse of Wike’s ties with others in the party.

“Before I knew him, many of those people had known him and had a relationship with him.”

“They were enjoying his magnanimity. My only sin to them is that I came at a time when their relationship had collapsed.”

He stated that Wike’s disruptive role was evident well before the 2023 elections.

“We advised them that the five of them should be expelled from the party,” he repeated, stressing that their actions harmed the PDP at a critical moment.

While some are urging him to take punitive measures, Damagum signaled a more reconciliatory approach.

“I want peace in the party. By the time you keep expelling members rather than peaceful resolution of issues, one day you will wake up and no more people in the party.”

On Wike’s sway within the party, Damagum offered a striking example: “When the FCT minister single-handedly brought the embattled Rivers State governor as the candidate of the PDP, nobody asked him how he did it. Now, there is a problem between them. How do you expect the party or me to come in?”

He went on to accuse some top figures in the PDP of failing in their duties, contributing instead to the crisis through selfish or divisive actions.

According to him, “These influential figures act as though they are untouchable, effectively holding the party hostage through their behaviour.”

Damagum, a PDP member since 1998, reaffirmed his loyalty, saying, “I have political discipline and principles. I cannot jump from one party to another. I don’t have any reasons to do that.”

He acknowledged recent defections but downplayed their significance, maintaining that the PDP would emerge stronger.

“It is going to make the party come out better and stronger than what it is now,” he said.

Looking ahead to 2027, Damagum dismissed the idea that party switching would determine electoral outcomes.

“It is not the number of defections that will make the APC win the 2027 general elections; it is the electorate, Nigerians who will cast votes to elect a president. In 2027, it is President Bola Tinubu versus Nigerians, not the APC.”

Damagum also hinted that some defectors were driven by self-interest.

“Those leaving the party have one or two things to hide, looking for safe landing from possible persecution or maybe looking for more money in their bank accounts.”

Peter Obi, the Labour Party’s flagbearer in the 2023 presidential election, has declared his intention to run again in 2027 under the same party.

In a video that recently went viral on social media, Obi addressed his supporters and confirmed his continued allegiance to the Labour Party. When asked about his platform for the next election cycle, he responded: “I will still continue to run in the Labour Party. I’m a member of the Labour Party.”

Obi, a former governor of Anambra State, also pointed fingers at the Nigerian government for fueling the current crisis rocking various political parties, including the Labour Party and the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).

He responded to a concerned youth who questioned his apparent detachment from the internal issues facing his party.

“What is happening in the Labour Party and the PDP is caused by the government, quote me anywhere,” Obi said.

Reflecting on a past experience, he cited an example from the era of President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua “We had a problem in our party before, in the past. Yar’Adua was the President. I went to him then; he called the INEC chairman (Prof. Maurice Iwu) and told him I don’t want any problem in any party. We were forced to fix it.”

He further emphasized that the dysfunction within parties today is no coincidence.

“But today, in all the parties, there are problems; these are deliberate problems caused by the system. These are some of the things I want to clean up if I have the opportunity. Parties will function very well because you can’t have a system working without a strong opposition.”

Encouraging Nigerians to be more engaged in the electoral process, Obi urged voters to protect the integrity of their votes.

He explained that even with party agents in place, the power ultimately lies with the electorate.

“Because even if agents are paid by political parties to look after their interests, the ultimate decision about whether the people’s votes count rests with voters,” he stated.

Addressing the youth and broader electorate, Obi acknowledged the resistance faced by those pushing for reform: “Positive change will also be resisted by those who are beneficiaries of the old order.”

He also touched on the issue of age in leadership, suggesting a cap on the age of politicians vying for office. With the 2027 elections in view, Obi noted “By the time the 2027 election holds, I would be 65 years old,” adding, “I would not want to be contesting for elections in my 70s.”

The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) has firmly denied allegations that its chairman, Ola Olukoyede, held a secret meeting with a sitting governor and a former governor just two days before they defected to the All Progressives Congress (APC).

The denial follows claims made by Paul Ibe, spokesperson to former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, during a recent television interview. Ibe had alleged that both the EFCC chairman and the Solicitor General met with two governors—one serving and one former—from the South-South region, 48 hours before they switched political allegiance to the APC.

According to Ibe, the meeting took place at a government lodge in a South-South state. However, he did not name the governors involved.

Responding to the claims, EFCC spokesperson Dele Oyewale issued a statement on Friday categorically denying the allegation and defending Olukoyede’s impartiality.

> “The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, EFCC, is outraged by the unfounded claims of Mr. Paul Ibe, spokesperson to Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, former Vice President, alleging that Ola Olukoyede, Executive Chairman, held a secret meeting with an unnamed politician.”

Oyewale emphasized that Ibe’s statements were speculative and lacking in substance.

> “Ibe, who was a guest on Seun Okinbaloye’s Politics Today on Channels Television on Thursday, May 22, 2025, bared his mind on sundry theories, conjectures and assumptions relating to opposition politics and defections.
However, his allegations of the Executive Chairman EFCC, Mr. Ola Olukoyede and Solicitor General of the Federation’s alleged meeting with an unnamed governor forty-eight hours before his defection to the ruling All People’s Congress, APC, are patently fabricated and in bad taste.”

He reiterated that Olukoyede remains politically neutral and committed to the nonpartisan mission of the EFCC.

> “Olukoyede has stressed at several fora that he is apolitical and the EFCC totally wired against partisan tendencies.”

Oyewale urged the public to disregard the claims, asserting they have no factual basis.

Meanwhile, PUNCH Online reports that Delta State Governor Sheriff Oborevwori and his predecessor, Ifeanyi Okowa, both defected from the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) to the APC in April. Additionally, the governor of Akwa Ibom has declared his intention to leave the PDP for the ruling party.

As the 2027 election season draws closer, political signs suggest that several ministers under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration are quietly and in some cases, openly, preparing to re-enter the governorship race in their home states.

At least five members of the current Federal Executive Council contested gubernatorial seats during the 2023 elections.

These include Minister of Information, Mohammed Idris Malagi, Minister of Humanitarian Affairs and Poverty Reduction, Nentawe Yiltwada Goshwe, Minister of Marine and Blue Economy, Adegboyega Oyetola, Minister of State for Defence, Bello Matawalle, and Minister of Power, Adebayo Adelabu.

Though only four of them were APC candidates, Malagi, who lost in the primaries, is now being seen as a potential comeback figure.

Their ministerial appointments are widely interpreted as compensatory placements and strategic platforms to stay politically relevant and better positioned for 2027.

Already, early maneuvers indicate renewed interest in governorship contests.

For Oyetola and Matawalle, the plan is reportedly to face old opponents again, but under a more favorable political environment.

Adelabu, meanwhile, appears to have a clearer path, as incumbent Oyo State Governor Seyi Makinde approaches the end of his second term.

The scenario isn’t new. Since Nigeria’s Second Republic, federal appointments have often served as springboards for gubernatorial ambitions, especially in opposition-held states.

For instance, during the 1983 elections, then-Minister of the FCT, John Khadiya, challenged Plateau’s Governor Solomon Lar.

A similar trend followed in Benue, with Minister Paul Unongo making an unsuccessful bid against Governor Aper Aku.

Ministerial roles have historically given political actors leverage to mount serious challenges, regardless of whether they shared party platforms with sitting governors.

During Olusegun Obasanjo’s tenure, Damishi Sango (sports minister) ran against Joshua Dariye, while Isa Yuguda moved from a federal role to become Bauchi State governor.

This pattern has continued. Political figures like Nyesom Wike, Samuel Ortom, Bala Mohammed, and Darius Ishaku all moved from ministerial appointments to state leadership.

Today, at least seven ministers are rumored to be nurturing gubernatorial ambitions.

Many prefer state leadership roles due to the greater autonomy and security they offer compared to federal appointments that serve at the pleasure of the president.

In states like Niger and Plateau, where governorship positions may rotate out of certain zones by 2031, potential candidates are seizing the moment before zoning makes them ineligible.

Bello Matawalle & Adegboyega Oyetola: Redemption In 2027?

Both former governors, Matawalle and Oyetola, are reportedly preparing for political comebacks.

Having lost in 2023, they now view the upcoming elections as a second chance with better odds under an APC-led presidency.

Adelabu’s Ground Game In Oyo

Adebayo Adelabu, the Minister of Power, is gearing up once again for Oyo’s top seat.

Despite back-to-back losses in 2019 and 2023 (on APC and Accord Party platforms respectively), he remains a strong contender.

Returning to the APC in late 2023, Adelabu declared, “I returned not because of 2027 governorship ambition or to take over the party, but because I believe this is a party that brought President Bola Tinubu to power, and we need to support him to deliver on his electoral promises.”

He emphasized, “This is not time for politics, it is time for governance and Tinubu needs our support for him to succeed and deliver on his Renewed Hope Agenda.”

Adelabu assured party members, “I have come back to the party not to take over the party and not to dissolve executives; we have come to the party to extend hands of fellowship and reconciliation.”

Still, sources reveal he is quietly consolidating support, staying close to his Ibadan base, overseeing federal palliatives, and strengthening his profile.

A major showdown is anticipated between him and Teslim Folarin for the APC ticket.

Plateau: Nentawe Returns with a Message

Prof. Nentawe Yiltwada, who ran under APC in 2023 and is now Minister of Humanitarian Affairs, appears to be actively reconnecting with Plateau citizens.

His condolence visits and engagement with traditional and religious leaders are widely viewed as political positioning.

His words on a Jos radio programme summed up his approach: “Politically, I have the capacity to put pressure on the state but I choose to give them space to work so we can rate them at the end.”

He further remarked, “I was very close to the Simon Lalong government; Lalong achieved a lot in terms of roads… Can we put on the table the achievements of the APC and PDP?”

While his party insists there is no automatic ticket, his activities suggest serious groundwork for a 2027 rematch.

Bayelsa: Lokpobiri’s Quiet Moves

In Bayelsa, Minister of Petroleum Resources (Oil), Senator Heineken Lokpobiri, is emerging as a strong contender.

A seasoned lawmaker and former speaker, Lokpobiri’s alignment with FCT Minister Nyesom Wike may prove pivotal.

Though yet to officially declare, supporters are confident.

One said, “All the local governments in the state will vote for Lokpobiri if he decides to join the race… he has also backed his politics with human empowerment.”

Malagi in Niger: Subtle But Strategic

In Niger State, Information Minister Mohammed Idris Malagi is quietly building influence.

He’s reportedly placing loyalists in key federal roles and leveraging political appointments to boost his network.

An insider noted, “The minister is operating silently but effectively. If Bago’s camp faces prolonged internal opposition, Malagi could emerge as a viable alternative, especially given his federal leverage and Abuja connections.”

Kyari’s Long-Awaited Turn In Borno

Senator Abubakar Kyari, now a cabinet minister, has long been seen as a gubernatorial hopeful in Borno.

Despite being overlooked in the past, he’s widely respected for his political experience and unwavering loyalty to APC.

He once explained his political stance, saying, “I have been in the opposition since 1999 even when many others defected to the PDP.”

His actions during crises, such as delivering massive food relief to flood victims in Maiduguri, further solidify his image as a responsive leader.

Political analysts suggest he may enjoy backing from Vice President Kashim Shettima and even President Tinubu.

Professor Kabir Mato, a seasoned political scientist and former commissioner, shares his insights on the ongoing efforts by opposition parties in Nigeria to form a political coalition.

Drawing from historical contexts and current developments, he emphasizes the importance of sincerity and purpose in achieving success.

On the Current Coalition Efforts:

Prof. Mato acknowledges that forming coalitions is a strategic necessity for opposition parties aiming to unseat ruling governments.

“Well, I think it’s one of the strategies that are open to political parties, mainly that are in opposition,” he said.

“You have to come together in order to wrest power from the party that is in government. This has happened in several countries across the world, especially in the third world nations of Africa.”

He referenced the successful coalition that birthed the APC and led to the PDP’s loss in 2015.

“In Nigeria, particularly, it was a coalition that led to the formation of the All Progressives Congress (APC) in 2013-2014 that led to the defeat of the then very dominant ruling People’s Democratic Party (PDP) in 2015,” he recalled.

Lessons from Past Republics:

Reflecting on Nigeria’s political history, Prof. Mato noted that earlier coalition attempts in the First and Second Republics failed to yield meaningful results.

“In my view, it is too early to call it,” he said regarding the current effort.

“That will depend on several factors, among which is the level of seriousness of those who are seeking to forge the alliance… and the sincerity of purpose in terms of what the coalition intends to achieve.”

He recalled the UPGA alliance in the First Republic, which included Action Group, NCNC, and NEPU, and its inability to overcome regional divisions.

“The obvious stress of the regional politics… did not allow these alliances to take the meaningful position that would have given the necessary defeat to the ruling party.”

In the Second Republic, he said the coalition’s potential was stifled by widespread electoral fraud.

“One could comfortably say that the election was not just flawed, but it was merely a design by the NPN government to simply rebuild the map of the state that it controlled in Nigeria.”

He pointed to examples like Plateau and Oyo states, where leaders such as Solomon Lar and Sam Mbakwe resisted manipulative federal interference.

Changing Role of Governors and Political Power:

On the current landscape, Prof. Mato emphasized that electoral dynamics are evolving.

“Let’s start by saying that the Nigerian electoral map, the Nigerian electoral system in general is transforming,” he said.

“What you had in 2023 wasn’t what actually happened in 2003, 2007, and even 2011.”

He argued that voter awareness and system maturity have grown.

“This shows therefore that the electoral system is improving… We are not there yet… But there were clear indications that the electoral system has been improving.”

Regarding governors’ influence, he observed a shift.

“The role of the governments and all political officials in managing the outcome of electoral contest is increasingly diminishing in Nigerian politics. And that is the beauty of it.”

He gave a specific example from the 2023 elections: “The APC had 23 states… five other governors of the opposition PDP supported the APC candidate. Yet… the winner was only able to win 12 states. Now, this is one indication to show you that Nigeria’s political electoral system is gradually changing.”

Grassroots Influence and Incumbency:

Prof. Mato further explained that incumbents can no longer dictate outcomes as they once did.

“If 2023 is anything to make reference to, being a governor in the state does not mean that you have the total control of the voting pattern of the citizens in that state.”

“In primary elections, you can say so, because the governors determine who the delegates are. But once it is general election, it’s different,” he clarified.

“The Nigerian electoral system is gradually getting out of that scenario, where you talk about incumbency advantage, the power of governors, the power of senators, and so on.”

On the Ruling Party’s Suppression of Opposition:

While noting positive shifts, he admitted that some old patterns persist.

“Though you said the political system in Nigeria is evolving for the better, but the tendency by ruling [parties] to muzzle opposition has remained the same.”

He pointed to the PDP’s dominance in the early 2000s.

“At a point, you recall that in 2003, the PDP was able to emasculate the entire southwestern state in this country… And by 2007, the PDP had taken over almost two-thirds of the states of the federation.”

Advice on the Atiku–Obi Rivalry:

Finally, when asked about a major potential stumbling block, who would lead between Atiku Abubakar and Peter Obi, Prof. Mato was blunt.

“The coalition is likely to fail in the event that individual idiosyncrasies and aspirations are placed before the desire for attainment of national objectives.”